than the one that shipped with the title. According to a ''Eurogamer'' (2018) report, the scene in question depicted the game's protagonist, Lincoln Clay, killing a police officer and murdering numerous others. "We went back at the eleventh hour and added a cold-open to the game that was a really violent prologue which basically shows Lincoln and a couple of his friends getting ambushed by the mob," the game's director, Haden Blackman, said. "It's super-violent and Lincoln has to resort to violence to escape. However, Blackman said, "it felt exploitative...so we ended up cutting it," despite having championed its "sensitive" subject matter: race, police brutality, and crime. The section was so violent, so "controversial" and "shocking", that Hangar 13 even erased it from its servers. It no longer exists.

This last-minute change to the game adds yet another layer to ''Mafia III''’s intriguing depiction of racism and American history. ''Mafia III'' places players in the shoes of Clay, a ~~biracial,~~ Black-presenting Vietnam veteran, as takes control of late-1960s New Bordeaux, a recreation of New Orleans, all the while tackling racism and the legacy of colonialism and slavery. ''Mafia III'''s honest and detailed representation of a racist, postcolonial or colonial society opens it to many angles of cultural analysis. Following Brock's (2011) treatise on race in games and Mukherjee's (2018) writings on postcolonial games, this production will examine how ''Mafia III'' interacts with these theories, often in conflicting ways. It will argue that, although the game's narrative and diegesis does encourage players to confront racism and see the world as a subaltern, postcolonial subject, its design positions Black men as violent criminals and complies with commonly held stereotypes, all the while reinforcing colonial attitudes towards land and empire.

This last-minute change to the game adds yet another layer to ''Mafia III''’s intriguing depiction of racism and American history. ''Mafia III'' places players in the shoes of Clay, a Black-presenting Vietnam veteran, as he takes control of late-1960s New Bordeaux, a recreation of New Orleans, all the while tackling racism and the legacy of colonialism and slavery. ''Mafia III'''s honest and detailed representation of a racist, postcolonial or colonial society opens it to many angles of cultural analysis. Following Brock's (2011) treatise on race in games and Mukherjee's (2018) writings on postcolonial games, this production will examine how ''Mafia III'' interacts with these theories, often in conflicting ways. It will argue that, although the game's narrative and diegesis does encourage players to confront racism and see the world as a subaltern, postcolonial subject, its design positions Black men as violent criminals and complies with commonly held stereotypes, all the while reinforcing colonial attitudes towards land and empire.

''Mafia III'' remains highly unique in the AAA game space. Situating players in the Deep South at the height of the civil rights movement, New Bordeaux is remarkably detailed and, by extension, flush with inequalities. White and Black areas of the map are highly segregated, with Black families mostly living in the poorer neighborhood and swamps of the city's south-side, while White elites dominate the pristine downtown and the mansions of the north-end. The police are complicit in this issue. As a Black man, Lincoln is continually harassed by the police: if spotted when driving a car, the police will suspect him of a crime, and sometimes can be called if he steps foot in a Whites-only area. Likewise, the game's mechanics reinforce this dichotomy. When someone calls the police to a White area, they respond immediately. But when they one summons them to a Black area, they respond sluggishly or do not appear at all. Put differently, ''Mafia III'' is flush with reflections on the legacy of racism and segregation.

To that end, the game's perspective is constructive. When playing as Clay, one comes to "empathize" with what it is like to live as a racialized subject in a racist society. For example, in many of the game's missions, Clay must enter the turf of the Dixie mafia. Here, he overhears numerous conversations of its members, who often refer to Blacks as "niggers" and "animals". When listening to the radio, one can hear Remy Duvall, a local construction magnate, decry Blacks for their predisposition to violence. Even when he walks on the street, Whites will insult Clay with racial slurs. By placing players, regardless of race or gender, in the position of a Black person, players must endure racism in the game world just as he does. The game's process of identification earned it significant attention from critics. The game was widely praised by media on its release for its blunt portrayal of race and inequality. Tauriq Moosa (2016) posits that the game's treatment of history, one that exposes prejudice and encourages players to identify with victims of bigotry, is "cathartic" for Black players like him. Correspondingly, ''The Washington Post'' (2016) called it a "cultural milestone" for its well-rounded cast of Black characters, and critic Yusuf Cole (2018) praised the game for its nuanced understanding of radical Black politics. ''Mafia III'''s attention-to-detail led one critic (Gerardi, 2016) to call it a "simulation" of racism. Thus, one can say that ''Mafia III''’s treatment of intolerance can be highly ~~constructive~~, and can educate users about the subject.

To that end, the game's perspective is constructive. When playing as Clay, one comes to "empathize" with what it is like to live as a racialized subject in a racist society. For example, in many of the game's missions, Clay must enter the turf of the Dixie mafia. Here, he overhears numerous conversations of its members, who often refer to Blacks as "niggers" and "animals". When listening to the radio, one can hear Remy Duvall, a local construction magnate, decry Blacks for their predisposition to violence. Even when he walks on the street, Whites will insult Clay with racial slurs. By placing players, regardless of race or gender, in the position of a Black person, players must endure racism in the game world just as he does. The game's process of identification earned it significant attention from critics. The game was widely praised by media on its release for its blunt portrayal of race and inequality. Tauriq Moosa (2016) posits that the game's treatment of history, one that exposes prejudice and encourages players to identify with victims of bigotry, is "cathartic" for Black players like him. Correspondingly, ''The Washington Post'' (2016) called it a "cultural milestone" for its well-rounded cast of Black characters, and critic Yusuf Cole (2018) praised the game for its nuanced understanding of radical Black politics. ''Mafia III'''s attention-to-detail led one critic (Gerardi, 2016) to call it a "simulation" of racism. Thus, one can say that ''Mafia III''’s treatment of intolerance can be highly progressive, and can educate users about the subject.

Conversely, and as Brock notes, video game representations of race go beyond the surface and into the mechanics of play themselves (431). And these representations, "[trade] upon stereotypes and these stereotypes are essential to players’ understanding of the game," stereotypes that are made believable by mechanics, interfaces, and narrative (430). Although ''Mafia III''’s narrative seems to counter racist notions, the game's mechanics paint Clay as a criminal and a brute. The game's mission structure is the same across its entire runtime: Clay must infiltrate the territory of a rival mob boss, kill the enemies in said territory, destroy some kind of contraband, or interrogate a capo. Granted, it is possible to play some of these levels non-violently by sneaking out of sight, but more often than not, enemies will spot Clay and gun-battles ensue, with Clay shooting, stabbing, impaling and running over a multitude of opponents (see Note #1).

In one particularly violent level, Clay must assault a mob lieutenant in his base, a railroad roundhouse. After sneaking up to the lieutenant's office with out firing a shot, my Clay was spotted, killed five or six men in quick succession, and accosted the lieutenant. Clay subdued him, made a quick joke, and slit the man's throat. Furthermore, this mission type is extremely repetitive, occurring dozens of times throughout the game's 30 hour story. ''Mafia III''’s mechanics and design, where Clay must commit heinous acts to secure resources and power in the game world, positions him firmly as a Black male "delinquent". Its design tells the player that Clay cannot take power just by his intellect, his charm, or his ability to manipulate people, but rather his bare strength and ability to kill and destroy. And as Brock states, appearances matter, too. Sheva's design in ''Resident Evil 5'', for instance, objectifies her as a purely sexual being. Similarly, Clay's appearance as hyper-masculine, muscular and broad affirms his brutish likeness.

In sum, then, ''Mafia III'' is a game of contradictions, and Blackman's decision to cut the controversial opening demonstrates that its treatment of history and current affairs is complex. Its narrative and sandbox encourage players to gain a better understanding of, and resist, racism and inequalities. Meanwhile, its design often reproduces stereotypes and confirms colonial attitudes. Yet, as Mukherjee notes, these contradictions are inherent to games. He suggests that, "the video game medium offers the simultaneous possibilities of subalternity, protest, elitism, and hegemony." (515) ''Mafia III'' does just that. It is a mix of ideas operating alongside one another, ideas that are constructive, destructive, and both at the same time. Regardless of its issues, ''Mafia III'' is a rich text, from its erased cinematics to its end, and many questions persist: what role does sound play in the game's representations? How does the game present its other Black characters, including Father James and Sammy Robinson? How does the game ~~interact~~ with Irish-ness and Italian-ness? What is the role of gender, and class more broadly, in the diegesis? How does the game's ending, in which Lincoln can give up his power or keep it, complicate the game's message? Why are AAA developers so resistant to tackle racism in their games, making ''Mafia III'' a one-of-a-kind text?

In sum, then, ''Mafia III'' is a game of contradictions, and Blackman's decision to cut the controversial opening demonstrates that its treatment of history and current affairs is complex. Its narrative and sandbox encourage players to gain a better understanding of, and resist, racism and inequalities. Meanwhile, its design often reproduces stereotypes and confirms colonial attitudes. Yet, as Mukherjee notes, these contradictions are inherent to games. He suggests that, "the video game medium offers the simultaneous possibilities of subalternity, protest, elitism, and hegemony." (515) ''Mafia III'' does just that. It is a mix of ideas operating alongside one another, ideas that are constructive, destructive, and both at the same time. Regardless of its issues, ''Mafia III'' is a rich text, from its erased cinematics to its end, and many questions persist: what role does sound play in the game's representations? How does the game present its other Black characters, including Father James and Sammy Robinson? How does the game deal with Irish-ness and Italian-ness and their intersections with the working classes? What is the role of gender, and class more broadly, in the diegesis? How does the game's ending, in which Lincoln can give up his power or keep it, complicate the game's message? Why are AAA developers so resistant to tackle racism in their games, making ''Mafia III'' a one-of-a-kind text?